Over the last four episodes, we’ve examined
some of the stories that make up the idea of a “revolution” in knowledge-making
in Europe. But we can’t understand this idea fully,
without unpacking another one—the so called Age of Exploration. This encompasses a lot of events that happened
from 1400 through the 1600s and were driven in part by new ideas about knowledge-making. And the span of history that we’ve been
taught as the “Age of Exploration” might be better described as an exchange—the greatest
exchange of people, plants, animals, diseases, and ideas that the world has ever seen. [Intro Music Plays] Why did European explorers seek out the New World after 1400? And why didn’t they do it earlier? Well for one thing, medieval European states
had been too small and poor to support large navies. For another, they didn’t have the technologies
that other Eurasian cultures had. By 1400, the compass and gunpowder had both
made it from China to Europe, changing armies and navies across the continent. In time, political power became more centralized,
and states started to compete for things like land and precious metals, and for valuable
trade routes to the rich empires of China and India. By the late 1400s, two European states in particular began to use their massive naval
might to search out trade advantages. In 1488, Portuguese explorers became the first
Europeans to sail along the coast of sub-Saharan Africa. And in 1497, Portuguese explorer Vasco da
Gama sailed to the Indian Ocean from Europe by way of Africa’s Cape of Good Hope. Interesting thing is, Portuguese ships were
smaller than Chinese ships at the time. Chinese explorer Zheng He, for example, explored
parts of Asia and Africa from 1405 to 1433, with huge, four-tiered ships carrying hundreds
of sailors. But there was also a philosophical difference
in exploration between the two states: most people living around the Indian Ocean respected
overlapping political boundaries. But European states didn’t recognize other
states’ claims to their own territories. So it’s not that the Europeans had the best
ships; the difference was in how they used them. The most famous European explorer, of course,
set sail on behalf of Spain in—you know the year—1492, changing the world forever. In fact, historians call the widespread movement
of people, plants, animals, germs, ideas, and technologies between the Americas and
Eurasia after 1492 “the Columbian Exchange.” You can learn more about Christopher Columbus
in a lot of other places. For us, what matters is how knowledge moved
due to the Columbian Exchange. Now, what role did scientific thought play
in these voyages? Not much. Gunpowder and the compass were not new in
1400. Centralized states were not new. These were just relatively new to Europe. It seems that, in this case, technology and
politics spurred science. The discipline of geography, for example,
became important when it came to settling political disputes about who had claimed what
already-inhabited land. The Portuguese crown spent tons of resources
on making maps of lands that were new to them. And the Spanish government in Seville sponsored
the House of Trade in 1503 to make master-maps. In Spain, Philip II founded the Academy of
Mathematics in Madrid in 1582, where young nobles could learn cosmography, navigation,
military engineering, and what were called “the occult sciences”: kinda like “The Citadel” from Game of Thrones crossed with Hogwarts from Harry Potter. And, in the 1570s, Philip II sent out a scientific
expedition to the Americas under Francisco Hernández to collect geographical, botanical,
and medical information. The later colonial powers—the English, Dutch,
and French—followed the Portuguese and Spanish pattern of state support for science, focused
on geography and botany. Science became a tool of empire. But let’s be real: the “voyages of discovery”
weren’t full of scientists boldly creating knowledge. These weren’t nerds like Galileo and Copernicus
obsessing over truth. These voyages were about exploitation. European powers -used knowledge creation as
another tool to fight proxy wars between each other. By 1800, Europeans controlled 35% of land
and resources on earth. It was as though not one but five Roman Empires
had set off on a quest for world domination. So, what kinds of things were exchanged as
Europeans sailed farther? For one, European explorers looked for new
plant specimens that might have agricultural and medical uses. They were also interested in animals, but
plants were more important. Few animal species in the Americas had been
domesticated. Americans did carefully manage things like
ducks and vultures. But Europeans were amazed that Americans got
anything done without cows and horses. On the flip side, edible plant diversity in
the Americas matched, if not blew away, that of Eurasia. It was wondrous. Take us there, ThoughtBubble. Can you imagine a world without corn, potatoes, tomatoes, bell peppers, chili peppers, beans,
tobacco, pumpkins, chocolate, avocadoes, vanilla, peanuts, pecans, cashews…? I can go on. But really, no hot sauce!? No chocolate? No tacos? No tomato sauce? What did Eurasians eat before the Columbian
Exchange? It doesn’t even matter. In fact, there was so much knowledge about
plants coming back to European capitals that old ideas about living things quickly started
to look… old. A few keen observers started to compare different
plants, part by part. The name to remember is Swedish natural philosopher
Carl Linnaeus, who came up with a rational system for classifying plants based on their
sex parts. We’ll come back to him. How did plant specimens travel from the New
World to Europe? At first, the English, French, and Dutch relied
on the Spanish and Portuguese for access. They quickly realized that it would be more
economical to set up their own exploratory operations, and then their own colonies, including
slave-powered mines and plantations. For example, a Puritan “company of adventurers”
called the Providence Island Company left England in 1633 for the eastern coast of what
is now Honduras and Nicaragua. They went with a specific plan to find useful
plants that they could sell or turn into new products. The Puritans traded with the local people,
the Miskitu, who helped them identify the local flora. But they never made a lot of money, so the
Puritans turned from botany to… piracy. They even got local Miskitu excited about
piracy! They ended up stealing a bunch of enslaved
Africans from their Spanish rivals and then executing Spanish soldiers who surrendered
after a failed attack. So the Spanish sent an armada of eleven ships
and took over the Providence Island Company’s operation. You know, typical science problems! Thanks Thoughtbubble.
In the end, empire turned out to be very uneconomical for the states themselves. European corporations—some of which are
still around—made a lot of money, but only because the states paid major costs to set
up colonies. These costs included both the capital for
ships, supplies, and sailors, as well as the costs of fighting battles with other states
and subduing native populations. One consequence of discovering whole continents
full of new plants and animals was a new sense in Europe of, well, newness—novelty, curiosity,
wonder. As more people learned about the New World,
they wanted to make more sense of it. So exploration led to the development of museums
and the practice of scientific collecting. Early museums were not like the ones we have
today. They were special rooms curated by nobles
called wunderkammern or “cabinets of curiosity.” The ideal cabinet of curiosity had one of
everything. There was a divided focus between cataloging
the natural, the human, and the “abominations” of nature such as dragons and mermaids. Wunderkammern brought order to an explosion
of new knowledge. But the order they imposed was highly individual. For example, you could often find a rhino
horn next to the horn of a supposed “unicorn,” or narwhal. And every gentleman worth his salt had a crocodile
mounted on his ceiling! But other results of the Columbian Exchange
were not at all fun or wondrous. In addition to the intentional violence perpetrated
against native populations, disease played a major role in changing who lived there. Human immune systems are adaptive: they learn
over time how to better respond to threats from dangerous microbes. Which is amazing! But the populations of Eurasia and Africa
had been mostly separated from those of the Americas and Australia for thousands of years. By a stroke of extremely bad luck, this meant
that the populations of the Americas had no natural protection against smallpox. As more Americans came in contact with more
Eurasians, smallpox ran rampant, killing one out of every two people who caught it. This led to social breakdowns and meant that
native groups were less able to fight off European invaders. In some regions, populations fell by 75%. And smallpox was only the most deadly among
a number of diseases. Eurasians had developed some immunity to the
plague, measles, typhus, and tuberculosis. Africans had some immunity to malaria and
yellow fever. But the Americans had no immunity to these
diseases. One notable disease that may have crossed
the other way—we aren’t sure—is syphilis, which first appeared in Europe three years
after the beginning of the Columbian Exchange. The exchange of diseases also led to the exchange
of medical practices. In Boston, in the early 1700s, the influential
Puritan minister Cotton Mather learned the practice of variolation from his slave Onesimus,
who later bought his freedom. Variolation is a way of protecting someone
against smallpox by deliberately infecting them with material from another person who
had survived the disease. This is different from vaccination, which
uses a similar but milder virus to trick the body into fighting smallpox. Cotton Mather found the variolation worked,
and he actually tried to implement a variolation campaign in Boston that was inspired by his
former slave, but most of Bostonites were not simply having it. In addition to the fact that intentionally
injecting someone with powdered scabs was counterintuitive, most white people at the
time wouldn’t trust the medical knowledge of an African. Now, alongside trade wars, genocide, and disease,
another specter haunts the story of the Columbian Exchange. In fact, the economic metaphor of “exchange”
sounds ridiculous when you consider that the European “explorers” colonized populations
they encountered in the Americas by force and enslaved Africans and brought them to
the Americas to labor. There’s a lot to say about colonization
and the slave trade. In terms of knowledge production, these practices
embodied Francis Bacon’s philosophy of instrumentalizing, or exploiting, “nature”: the new world
and its peoples were resources to be used for the betterment of humankind, in this case,
meaning Christian humankind. Colonization and slavery also produced a series
of questions that natural philosophers would obsess over for centuries: were native Americans
more “natural” than other peoples because they didn’t have the same technologies? Did they provide a simplified and therefore
useful model of how societies function in general? These questions sprung from a deep misreading
of indigenous cultures, but at least they inspired a few philosophers to question the
naturalness of European ways of living. Questions also arose for the life sciences:
were the Americans, Africans, and Eurasians descended from the same ancestor, or had there
been multiple acts of genesis? Was the bible literally true? It didn’t say anything about a new world! And questions about the Columbian exchange
still haunt historians of science. How did people in the “New World” understand
the arrival of Eurasians? What kinds of knowledge did they make? What counts as science? Only recently have some historians started
to recognize the skills and technical knowledge of indigenous and enslaved peoples. This is an active area of research today,
and one we’ll return to. Alongside the “new science” created by
the thinkers of the Scientific Revolution, the Age of Exploration created a new sense
of the new in Europe. It revealed a new world to explore, to map,
to find tomatoes and chocolate in, as well as to conquer and to enslave. No document captures this shift better than
the Nova Reperta, or New Discoveries of 1600. This series of engravings, based on designs
by the Flemish painter Jan van der Straet, showed symbols of the Americas and the voyages
of exploration alongside stuff that was simply new—or stuff that actually had been around
in Europe for a while but suddenly felt new, such as the compass, the mechanical clock,
and gunpowder. Next time—we’ll meet a humble farmer named
Ike who reimagined physics. Crash Course History of Science is filmed
in the Dr. Cheryl C. Kinney studio in Missoula, Montana and it’s made with the help of all
this nice people and our animation team is Thought Cafe. Crash Course is a Complexly production. If you wanna keep imagining the world complexly
with us, you can check out some of our other channels like Scishow, Eons, and Sexplanations. And, if you’d like to keep Crash Course
free for everybody, forever, you can support the series at Patreon; a crowdfunding platform
that allows you to support the content you love. Thank you to all of our patrons for making
Crash Course possible with their continued support.